2025

UPSC CSE (Main) 2025

GS Paper II 2025

Governance, Constitution, polity, social justice & international relations.

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q1

10 marks · 150 words Representation of the People Act

Discuss the ‘corrupt practices’ for the purpose of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Analyze whether the increase in the assets of the legislators and/or their associates, disproportionate to their known sources of income, would constitute ‘undue influence’ and consequently a corrupt practice.

Approach · directive: “discuss / analyze”

What it asks · Explain what Section 123 of the RPA, 1951 treats as corrupt practices, then analyse whether unexplained growth in the assets of legislators or their associates can be brought within 'undue influence'.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Discuss: the 'corrupt practices' listed in Section 123 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951
Analyse: whether a disproportionate rise in the assets of legislators or their associates amounts to 'undue influence' and hence a corrupt practice

Open with · Section 123 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 lists corrupt practices; proved in an election petition, one voids the election (Section 100) and can disqualify the candidate (Section 8A).

Cover

Corrupt practices: bribery, undue influence, appeals on religion, caste, community or language, promoting enmity, false statements about rivals, excess expenditure, booth capturing.
Undue influence (s.123(2)): any direct or indirect interference with the free exercise of an electoral right — threats, social ostracism, spiritual censure.
Consequences: election set aside in an election petition (s.100) and disqualification on the ground of corrupt practice (s.8A).
For treating it as undue influence: in Lok Prahari (2018) the Supreme Court linked non-disclosure of assets and their sources to undue influence on voters' free choice.
Against: s.123 targets acts by a candidate or agent connected with an election; wealth gained in office is primarily an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Middle view: disproportionate assets become a corrupt practice when concealed in the nomination affidavit or used to buy votes (bribery).
Way forward: the Law Commission's 244th Report would make a false affidavit a corrupt practice; the Election Commission seeks a two-year minimum under Section 125A.

Close with · Asset growth becomes an electoral wrong when hidden from voters; closing this gap would advance SDG 16.5, to substantially reduce corruption and bribery in all their forms.

Add value (verified)

The Law Commission's 244th Report (Electoral Disqualifications) recommended treating a false affidavit as a corrupt practice.Law Commission of India, Report No. 244: Electoral Disqualifications (February 2014), copy hosted on delhihighcourt.nic.in ↗“Include the offence of filing false affidavit as a corrupt practice under S. 123 of the RPA.”
In 2004 the Election Commission recommended imprisonment of a minimum of two years under Section 125A for false affidavits, as recorded in the Law Commission's 244th Report.Law Commission of India, Report No. 244: Electoral Disqualifications (February 2014), copy hosted on delhihighcourt.nic.in ↗“the Commission recommended that the punishment under Section 125A of RPA must be made more stringent by providing for imprisonment of a minimum term of two years and by doing away with the alternative clause for fine.”
SDG target 16.5 seeks to cut corruption and bribery.United Nations, SDG 16 ↗“Substantially reduce corruption and bribery in all their forms”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 208words · Minimalist IAS

Section 123 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 lists 'corrupt practices'. Proved in an election petition, one voids the election (Section 100) and can disqualify the candidate (Section 8A).

Corrupt practices under Section 123

Bribery: gratification to induce a person to stand, withdraw or vote.
Undue influence (Section 123(2)): interference with the free exercise of an electoral right, such as threats, social ostracism or spiritual censure.
Sectarian appeals: votes sought on religion, caste, community or language.
Other abuses: false statements about rivals, excess expenditure, booth capturing.

The full answer goes on to cover

Are disproportionate assets 'undue influence'?
Way forward

With 1 flowchart you can reproduce in the exam.

Read the full model answer (208 words) →

Prepared by Minimalist IAS to the answer standard of Shivam Singh (mentor, 7 years) · facts checked against official sources (how we verify) · updated 3 Oct 2026. UPSC publishes no model answers: compare your structure and coverage with this, then write your own.

GS Paper II 2025 · Q2

10 marks · 150 words Statutory, regulatory & quasi-judicial bodies

Comment on the need of administrative tribunals as compared to the court system. Assess the impact of the recent tribunal reforms through rationalization of tribunals made in 2021.

Approach · directive: “comment / assess”

What it asks · Explain why specialised tribunals exist alongside courts, then assess how the 2021 rationalisation (abolition and merger of tribunals, uniform service conditions) has worked.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Comment: why administrative tribunals are needed alongside the regular court system
Assess: the impact of the 2021 rationalisation of tribunals (Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021)

Open with · Articles 323A and 323B, added by the 42nd Amendment (1976), let legislatures create tribunals so that specialised disputes need not queue before overburdened courts.

Cover

Need: speed, lower cost and less formality than regular courts; relief for High Courts burdened with service and regulatory cases.
Need: domain expertise through technical members — environment (NGT), company law (NCLT), securities (SAT), service matters (CAT).
Concerns: executive control over appointments, short tenures, vacancies; L. Chandra Kumar (1997) kept tribunals subject to High Court review.
2021 reform: the Tribunals Reforms Act abolished several appellate bodies (e.g., Film Certificate Appellate Tribunal, IPAB), shifting their work to High Courts and commercial courts.
It also set uniform search-cum-selection committees, tenure and service conditions for remaining tribunals.
Positive impact: fewer overlapping forums, uniform rules, some cost saving and a cleaner structure.
Negative impact: added load on High Courts, loss of specialist benches, continuing vacancies; the Supreme Court has struck down tenure and age rules and urged a National Tribunals Commission.

Close with · Since then, in November 2025, the Supreme Court struck down provisions re-enacted with minor tweaks; judicial primacy in selection would let tribunals deliver speed with independence.

Add value (verified)

The NGT shows the case for expert tribunals: it was set up in 2010 for speedy disposal of environmental cases.About Us — National Green Tribunal ↗“The National Green Tribunal has been established on 18.10.2010 under the National Green Tribunal Act 2010 for effective and expeditious disposal of cases relating to environmental protection”
Article 323A lets Parliament create administrative tribunals for disputes over recruitment and service conditions in public services.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 323A ↗“Parliament may, by law, provide for the adjudication or trial by administrative tribunals”
The government justified abolition on speed and cost grounds.PRS Legislative Research, Understanding tribunal reforms and challenges ↗“Such tribunals add considerable cost to the exchequer, and abolishing them would help reduce these costs.”
The 2021 Act fixed a four-year term for tribunal chairpersons and members.The Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 (PRS) ↗“the Chairperson of a Tribunal shall hold office for a term of four years or till he attains the age of seventy years, whichever is earlier”
The 2021 Act set a minimum age of fifty for appointment.The Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 (PRS) ↗“Provided that a person who has not completed the age of fifty years shall not be eligible for appointment as a Chairperson or Member.”
Since then, in November 2025, the Supreme Court struck down provisions of the 2021 Act.All India Radio News, 19 Nov 2025 ↗“said the provisions had been re-enacted by the Centre with minor tweaks”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 215words · Minimalist IAS

Articles 323A and 323B, added by the 42nd Amendment (1976), let legislatures create tribunals so that specialised disputes need not queue before overburdened courts.

Why tribunals are needed alongside courts

Speed: simpler procedure; the NGT was set up in 2010 for expeditious disposal of environmental cases.
Expertise: technical members serve company law (NCLT), securities (SAT) and service matters (CAT).
Docket relief: High Courts shed routine service and tax cases.
Judicial check: L. Chandra Kumar (1997) kept tribunals under High Court review; they supplement courts, not supplant them.

The full answer goes on to cover

Impact of the 2021 rationalisation
Way forward

With 1 table you can reproduce in the exam.

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q3

10 marks · 150 words Comparing constitutions

Compare and contrast the President’s power to pardon in India and in the USA. Are there any limits to it in both the countries? What are ‘preemptive pardons’?

Approach · directive: “compare and contrast / what”

What it asks · Compare the source, scope and procedure of clemency powers in India and the USA, set out the limits in each, and explain preemptive pardons.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Compare and contrast: the President's pardoning power in India (Article 72) and in the USA (Article II)
Limits: the constraints on the power in each country
What: explain 'preemptive pardons'

Open with · Both constitutions vest mercy in the head of State: India's President under Article 72 on ministerial advice, the US President personally under Article II, Section 2.

Cover

India: pardon, reprieve, respite, remission, suspension, commutation — for court-martial sentences, offences under Union laws, and all death sentences; Governors under Article 161.
USA: 'reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States' — federal offences only; state crimes lie with governors.
Common ground: an act of executive grace, separate from judicial review of guilt; neither extends to impeachment.
Limits in India: bound by Cabinet advice (Maru Ram, 1980); reviewable for mala fides, arbitrariness or irrelevant considerations (Kehar Singh, 1989; Epuru Sudhakar, 2006).
Also in India: unexplained delay in deciding mercy petitions can justify commutation of a death sentence (Shatrughan Chauhan, 2014).
Limits in the USA: only federal crimes and not impeachment; otherwise very wide and largely unreviewable; self-pardon remains an open question.
Preemptive pardons: granted before any charge (Ex parte Garland, 1866) — Ford's pardon of Nixon (1974), Biden's January 2025 pardons; Indian clemency follows conviction.

Close with · Biddle v. Perovich (1927) made the public welfare the test of clemency; preemptive pardons for allies strain it, while India's advice-and-review model guards it.

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Article 72 covers every death sentence, whatever the law under which it was imposed.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 72(1)(c) ↗“in all cases where the sentence is a sentence of death”
The US pardon clause is confined to federal offences and expressly excludes impeachment.The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription — National Archives, Article II, Section 2 ↗“he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.”
Ex parte Garland held that a US pardon can come before any prosecution begins.Ex parte Garland, 71 U.S. 333 (1866), text via Chan Robles ↗“may be exercised at any time after its commission, either before legal proceedings are taken or during their pendency, or after conviction and judgment”
Article 72 applies to the sentence of a convicted person.The Constitution of India ↗“commute the sentence of any person convicted of any offence”
Biddle v. Perovich tied clemency to the public welfare.Constitution Annotated: Overview of the Pardon Power (Cornell LII) ↗“the public welfare, not [the individual’s] consent, determines what shall be done”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 222words · Minimalist IAS

Both constitutions vest mercy in the head of State: India's President acts under Article 72 on ministerial advice, the US President personally under Article II, Section 2.

India and the USA compared

Aspect	India (Article 72)	USA (Article II)
Who decides	Cabinet advice	President alone
Covers	Union-law offences, court-martial, death sentences	Federal offences only
Judicial review	Limited	Almost none

Forms: pardon, reprieve, respite, remission, suspension, commutation; Governors hold a parallel power (Article 161), as US Governors do.
Common nature: executive grace, not an appeal; the finding of guilt stands.

The full answer goes on to cover

Limits in both countries
What are 'preemptive pardons'?

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q4

10 marks · 150 words Federalism & devolution

Discuss the nature of Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly after the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019. Briefly describe the powers and functions of the Assembly of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

Approach · directive: “discuss / describe”

What it asks · Characterise the J&K Assembly under the 2019 Act as a Union Territory legislature (not a State legislature), then outline what it can and cannot do.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Discuss: the nature of the J&K Legislative Assembly after the Reorganisation Act, 2019 — a Union Territory legislature, not a State legislature
Describe briefly: the powers and functions of the Assembly of the Union Territory of J&K

Open with · The J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019 split the State into two Union Territories and applied Article 239A, the Puducherry provision, to J&K; the Assembly elected in 2024 is a UT legislature, not a State one.

Cover

Nature: a unicameral UT legislature on the Puducherry model; the Lieutenant Governor is the administrator; the Legislative Council was abolished.
Composition: 114 seats, of which 24 (areas under Pakistan's occupation) stay vacant; seats reserved for SCs and STs; LG may nominate women, Kashmiri migrants and displaced persons.
Law-making: on State List and Concurrent List subjects except 'public order' and 'police'; Parliament's laws prevail in case of conflict.
Finance: passes the budget and demands for grants; money bills and bills with financial implications need the LG's recommendation.
Executive link: Council of Ministers headed by a Chief Minister, collectively responsible to the Assembly and capped at 10% of its strength.
Limits: the LG acts in his discretion on specified matters (police, All India Services, anti-corruption); some bills must be reserved for the President.
Debate: restores elected government but with diluted powers; the Supreme Court (Article 370 case, 2023) recorded the assurance of restoring statehood.

Close with · Restoring statehood, as assured before the Supreme Court in the Article 370 case (2023), would complete democratic normalisation.

Add value (verified)

Section 32 of the Act keeps 'public order' and 'police' outside the Assembly's law-making power.The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 (Bill No. XXIX of 2019, as introduced in Rajya Sabha) — text hosted by PRS Legislative Research, clause 32 ↗“with respect to any of the matters enumerated in the State List except the subjects mentioned at entries 1 and 2, namely “Public Order” and “Police” respectively”
Section 13 extends Article 239A, the Puducherry model, to the UT of J&K.Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 (PRS) ↗“the provisions contained in article 239A, which are applicable to “Union territory of Puducherry”, shall also apply to the “Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir”.”
Section 57 abolished the Legislative Council of the former State.Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 (PRS) ↗“Legislative Council of the existing State of Jammu and Kashmir shall stand abolished”
The UT Assembly has a five-year term.Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 (PRS) ↗“shall continue for five years from the date appointed for its first meeting and no longer”
The former State's Governor became the Lieutenant Governor.Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 (PRS) ↗“the Governor of the existing State of Jammu and Kashmir shall be the Lieutenant Gove”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 219words · Minimalist IAS

The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 split the State into two Union Territories, J&K with a legislature and Ladakh without. Its Section 13 applied Article 239A, the Puducherry provision, to J&K, so the Assembly elected in 2024 is a UT legislature, not a State one.

Nature of the Assembly after the 2019 Act

Feature	Former State	UT of J&K
Houses	Assembly and Council	Assembly only
Head	Governor	Lieutenant Governor
Police, public order	State subjects	Outside Assembly's power

Unicameral: Section 57 abolished the Legislative Council.
Composition: 114 seats; 24 stay vacant for the area under Pakistan's occupation (PoJK), which is Indian territory; SC and ST seats reserved.
Subordinate: a five-year term (Section 17); Parliament may still legislate for the UT, and its law prevails.

The full answer goes on to cover

Powers and functions of the Assembly

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q5

10 marks · 150 words Constitutional bodies

“The Attorney General of India plays a crucial role in guiding the legal framework of the Union Government and ensuring sound governance through legal counsel.” Discuss his responsibilities, rights and limitations in this regard.

Approach · directive: “discuss”

What it asks · Set out the Attorney General's constitutional duties, the rights that enable them, and the limits on the office, with a view on how it supports sound governance.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Discuss: the Attorney General's responsibilities in guiding the Union's legal framework
Discuss: the rights that enable the office to perform them
Discuss: the limitations on the office, with a view on how it supports sound governance

Open with · Article 76 makes the Attorney General the Union's highest law officer, appointed by the President from persons qualified to be Supreme Court judges.

Cover

Responsibilities: advise the Government of India on legal matters referred by the President; perform other legal duties assigned; discharge functions under the Constitution and laws.
Represents the Union in the Supreme Court and High Courts, and appears in Presidential references under Article 143.
Rights: audience in all courts in India; may speak and take part in either House, joint sittings and committees without a vote (Article 88); parliamentary privileges (Article 105(4)).
Limitations: holds office at the pleasure of the President; not a member of the Cabinet; no fixed tenure.
Service rules bar the AG from advising or appearing against the Government of India, or defending accused persons without permission.
Concerns: private practice is allowed, creating conflict-of-interest questions; the post can appear aligned with the government of the day.

Close with · An AG who is counsel to the State, not to the government of the day, serves SDG 16.6: effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels.

Add value (verified)

Article 88 lets the Attorney-General speak and take part in either House and its committees, but not vote.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 88 ↗“but shall not by virtue of this article be entitled to vote”
Article 76(4): the AG holds office during the President's pleasure.The Constitution of India ↗“The Attorney-General shall hold office during the pleasure of the President”
The 1987 service rules restrict the AG's private practice.Law Officers (Conditions of Service) Rules 1987 - text via Legitquest (private legal database) ↗“defend an accused person in a criminal prosecution, without the permission of the Government of India”
SDG target 16.6 calls for effective, accountable institutions.United Nations, SDG 16 ↗“Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 220words · Minimalist IAS

Article 76 makes the Attorney General (AG) the Union's highest law officer, appointed by the President from persons qualified to be Supreme Court judges.

Responsibilities in guiding the legal framework

Legal adviser: advises the Government on matters the President refers, and performs assigned legal duties (Article 76(2)).
Union's counsel: appears for the Union in the Supreme Court and High Courts.
References: argues the Union's view in Presidential references (Article 143).

The full answer goes on to cover

Rights that enable the role
Limitations of the office
Way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q6

10 marks · 150 words NGOs, SHGs & the development sector X-Ray · Core #41

Women’s social capital complements in advancing empowerment and gender equity. Explain.

Approach · directive: “explain”

What it asks · Explain how women's networks, trust and collective associations add to legal and economic measures in empowering women and advancing gender equity — and note the limits.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Explain: how women's social capital (networks, trust, collectives) complements legal and economic measures for empowerment
Explain: how it advances gender equity, its limits, and how to strengthen it

Open with · Social capital is the networks, trust and norms of reciprocity that let people act together; it turns women's paper rights into collective strength.

Cover

Collective finance: DAY-NRLM has mobilised over 10 crore women into about 92 lakh SHGs (PIB, 2024); Kerala's Kudumbashree.
Livelihoods: the Lakhpati Didi goal of 3 crore SHG women earning ₹1 lakh a year; Bank Sakhis and Drone Didis.
Bargaining power: SEWA, women's dairy cooperatives and Lijjat Papad give informal workers market power.
Political voice: one-third reservation in panchayats and municipalities (73rd/74th Amendments); SHG networks groom leaders; Mahila Sabhas.
Norm change: collective action against alcohol abuse (Andhra's anti-arrack movement), domestic violence and child marriage.
Limits: elite capture, proxy 'sarpanch-pati' leadership, caste divides, the double burden of unpaid work.
Way forward: SHG–panchayat convergence, leadership training for elected women, crèches and care services.

Close with · The 2023 amendment reserving one-third of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats for women makes SHG networks a pipeline of leaders, towards SDG target 5.5.

Add value (verified)

DAY-NRLM has mobilised over 10.03 crore women into more than 92.06 lakh SHGs (PIB, Sept 2024).PIB backgrounder on DAY-NRLM and Lakhpati Didi (Ministry of Rural Development), September 2024 ↗“This mission has successfully mobilized over 10.03 crore women into more than 92.06 lakh self-help groups (SHGs).”
Lakhpati Didi: an SHG member with annual household income of ₹1 lakh or more; goal of 3 crore Lakhpati Didis.PIB backgrounder on DAY-NRLM and Lakhpati Didi (Ministry of Rural Development), September 2024 ↗“A Lakhpati Didi is a Self-Help Group member who earns an annual household income of Rupees One Lakh (Rs. 1,00,000) or more.”
The 73rd and 74th Amendments reserve one-third of seats for women in panchayats and municipalities.PRS Legislative Research: The Constitution (128th Amendment) Bill, 2023 ↗“The 73 rd and 74 th Amendments passed in 1993, which introduced panchayats and municipalities in the Constitution, reserve one-third of seats for women in these bodies.”
The 2023 women's reservation amendment reserves one-third of seats in Lok Sabha and State Assemblies for women.PRS Legislative Research: The Constitution (128th Amendment) Bill, 2023 ↗“The Bill seeks to reserve one-third of the total number of seats in Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies for women.”
SDG target 5.5: women's full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership.United Nations, Sustainable Development Goal 5: targets and indicators ↗“Ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 220words · Minimalist IAS

Social capital is the web of networks, trust and norms of reciprocity that lets people act together. It turns women's paper rights into collective strength.

How social capital complements women's empowerment

Collective finance: SHGs pool savings and unlock bank credit; DAY-NRLM has mobilised over 10 crore women into about 92 lakh SHGs (PIB, 2024).
Livelihoods: the Lakhpati Didi goal (3 crore SHG women earning ₹1 lakh a year) and Kerala's Kudumbashree build on these groups.
Bargaining power: SEWA, dairy cooperatives and Lijjat Papad give informal workers collective market power.
Skills and technology: Bank Sakhis and Drone Didis carry banking and technology to villages.

The full answer goes on to cover

How it advances gender equity
Way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q7

10 marks · 150 words Governance, transparency & e-governance X-Ray · Core #37

e-governance projects have a built-in bias towards technology and back-end integration than user-centric designs. Examine.

Approach · directive: “examine”

What it asks · Assess whether Indian e-governance has favoured technology and back-office integration over citizens' ease of use, with evidence on both sides and fixes.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Examine: evidence that e-governance projects privilege technology and back-end integration over citizens' ease of use
Examine: the counter-view, and the fixes that make e-governance user-centric

Open with · In April 2025 the Supreme Court held that the right to digital access is part of the right to life under Article 21, after face-based e-KYC shut out blind and acid-attack survivors.

Cover

Output metrics: success counted in servers, records digitised and transactions, not in citizens' time saved.
Exclusionary design: English-first portals, multiple logins, biometric authentication failures in welfare delivery.
Digital divide: the rural poor, women, the elderly and persons with disabilities depend on intermediaries.
Automation without reform: paper workflows digitised as they are.
Counter-view: back-end integration enables JAM-based DBT, GSTN, DigiLocker, UPI; user-first UMANG, Passport Seva, eSanjeevani, Bhashini.
Way forward: process re-engineering before digitisation (2nd ARC); UK Service Standard's 'understand users'; Supreme Court's accessibility directions; CSCs and grievance loops.

Close with · Judging every project by citizen experience, not hardware, builds the 'effective, accountable and transparent institutions' of SDG target 16.6.

Add value (verified)

Amar Jain v Union of India (30 April 2025, decided with Pragya Prasun): the Supreme Court held the right to digital access an intrinsic part of the right to life and liberty under Article 21 and issued directions on accessible digital KYC.Pragya Prasun v. Union of India (with Amar Jain v. Union of India), Supreme Court judgment of 30 April 2025 (Indian Kanoon copy) ↗“The right to digital access, therefore, emerges as an intrinsic component of the right to life and liberty, necessitating that the State proactively design and implement inclusive digital ecosystems”
The UK government's Service Standard puts 'Understand users and their needs' as its first point.GOV.UK Service Manual: Service Standard ↗“The Service Standard helps teams to create and run great public services. 1. Understand users and their needs”
SDG target 16.6: effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels.United Nations, Sustainable Development Goal 16: targets and indicators ↗“Target 16.6 Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 223words · Minimalist IAS

In April 2025 the Supreme Court held that the right to digital access is part of the right to life under Article 21, after face-based e-KYC shut out blind and acid-attack survivors. It shows e-governance often built from the back office outward.

Where the bias towards technology shows

Output metrics: success counted in servers and records digitised, not citizens' time saved.
Exclusionary design: English-first portals, multiple logins and biometric authentication failures in welfare delivery shut out intended beneficiaries.
Digital divide: the rural poor, the elderly and persons with disabilities fall back on intermediaries.
Automation without reform: paper workflows digitised unchanged, so the queue moves online.

The full answer goes on to cover

The counter-view: integration that serves users
Way forward

With 1 table you can reproduce in the exam.

Read the full model answer (223 words) →

GS Paper II 2025 · Q8

10 marks · 150 words NGOs, SHGs & the development sector

Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify.

Approach · directive: “do you agree / justify”

What it asks · Take a reasoned position on whether CSOs are better seen as adversaries of the State or as independent non-State partners, explaining the reasons for the perception.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Take a position: whether CSOs are better seen as anti-State actors or as independent non-State partners
Justify: the reasons for the perception, the evidence that CSOs are constructive, and how both sides should behave

Open with · The Constitution guarantees the freedom to form associations, and CSOs use it to occupy the space between family, market and State; they are non-State by definition, not anti-State by nature.

Cover

Perception: protests against dams, mines and nuclear plants; litigation that stalls projects; campaigns critical of policy.
Funding concerns: FCRA amendment of 2020, upheld in Noel Harper v Union of India (2022): no right to unregulated foreign funds.
Law-making partners: MKSS and the RTI Act 2005; the right-to-food campaign and NFSA; MGNREGA.
Delivery where the State is thin: health, education, disaster relief, COVID-19 support, SHG federations.
Democratic watchdog: freedom of association; scrutiny strengthens the State.
Partnership: NGO Darpan, CSR partnerships, joint implementation of schemes.
Balance: proportionate regulation by the State; funding transparency by CSOs.

Close with · CSOs are constructive critics, not adversaries; SDG target 17.17 asks for effective public, public-private and civil society partnerships.

Add value (verified)

Noel Harper v Union of India (8 April 2022): the Supreme Court upheld the FCRA Amendment Act 2020; it said no one can claim a vested right to accept foreign donation.Noel Harper v Union of India, Supreme Court judgment of 8 April 2022 (Indian Kanoon copy of the judgment) ↗“no one can be heard to claim a vested right to accept foreign donation, much less an absolute right.”
SDG target 17.17: effective public, public-private and civil society partnerships.United Nations, Sustainable Development Goal 17: targets and indicators ↗“Target 17.17 Encourage and promote effective public, public-private and civil society partnerships, building on the experience and resourcing strategies of partnerships”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 215words · Minimalist IAS

The Constitution guarantees the freedom to form associations, and civil society organisations (CSOs) use it to occupy the space between family, market and State. They are non-State by definition; the anti-State charge is only partly justified.

Why CSOs are perceived as anti-State

Confrontation: protests against dams, mines and nuclear plants, and litigation that stalls projects.
Foreign funding: opaque funding led to the FCRA amendment of 2020; Noel Harper v Union of India (2022) upheld it: the right to association includes no right to unregulated foreign funds.
State reflex: governments often read criticism as hostility.

The full answer goes on to cover

Why I disagree: CSOs as non-State partners
Balancing autonomy and accountability

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q9

10 marks · 150 words Groupings & agreements X-Ray · Core #31

India-Africa digital partnership is achieving mutual respect, co-development and long-term institutional partnerships. Elaborate.

Approach · directive: “elaborate”

What it asks · Show how India's digital cooperation with Africa reflects respect, joint development and lasting institutions, with examples and remaining gaps.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Elaborate: how the India–Africa digital partnership reflects mutual respect: demand-driven, open and non-extractive
Elaborate: how it reflects co-development and long-term institutional partnerships, and the gaps that remain

Open with · In Uganda's Parliament (2018) India promised a development partnership guided by Africa's priorities, using India's digital revolution for Africa's development.

Cover

Mutual respect: terms that 'liberate your potential and not constrain your future'; open-source, low-cost DPI, no debt trap or lock-in.
Sovereign ownership: MOSIP-based digital ID, as in Ethiopia, owned by the host state.
Co-development: UPI and RuPay in Mauritius; NPCI International with Namibia's central bank; Pan-African e-Network, e-VidyaBharti and e-ArogyaBharti.
Global voice: African Union made a permanent G20 member on India's proposal (2023).
Institutions: ITEC training; IIT Madras campus at Zanzibar, the first IIT outside India (2023); India–Africa Forum Summit.
Gaps: connectivity, financing, delays, cybersecurity, China's Digital Silk Road; fixes: local skills, joint financing, cyber cooperation.

Close with · Aligning Indian DPI with the AU's Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020–2030) makes India a co-developer, not a donor.

Add value (verified)

PM's Uganda address (2018), principle two: India's development partnership will be guided by African priorities.Text of the Prime Minister of India's address at the Parliament of Uganda, 25 July 2018 (High Commission of India, Gaborone) ↗“Two, our development partnership will be guided by your priorities. It will be on terms that will be comfortable for you, that will liberate your potential and not constrain your future.”
PM's Uganda address (2018), principle four: harness India's digital revolution for Africa's development.Text of the Prime Minister of India's address at the Parliament of Uganda, 25 July 2018 (High Commission of India, Gaborone) ↗“Four, we will harness India’s experience with digital revolution to support Africa’s development; improve delivery of public services; extend education and health; spread digital literacy; expand financial inclusion; and mainstream the marginalised.”
IIT Madras campus at Zanzibar, Tanzania (MoU, July 2023): the first IIT campus outside India.News On AIR (Prasar Bharati), 6 July 2023: First-ever IIT campus outside India at Zanzibar ↗“The first IIT campus outside India will come up at Zanzibar in Tanzania, the Ministry of External Affairs said.”
African Union made a permanent member of the G20 on India's proposal (New Delhi, September 2023).News On AIR (Prasar Bharati), 10 September 2023 ↗“African Union inducts as permanent member of G20 on Indian proposal”
The African Union's Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020–2030), adopted 2020.African Union: The Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020-2030) ↗“The Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020-2030) May 18, 2020 Document”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 222words · Minimalist IAS

Addressing Uganda's Parliament in 2018, India's Prime Minister promised that its development partnership with Africa 'will be guided by your priorities' and would harness India's digital revolution for Africa's development. Digital cooperation now tests that promise.

Mutual respect: partnership on Africa's terms

Demand-driven: terms that 'liberate your potential and not constrain your future': open-source, low-cost digital public infrastructure (DPI), with no debt trap or vendor lock-in.
Sovereign ownership: MOSIP-based digital ID, as in Ethiopia, is owned by the host state; India shares code, not control.

The full answer goes on to cover

Co-development
Long-term institutional partnerships
Gaps and way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q10

10 marks · 150 words Other countries' policies & the diaspora X-Ray · Core #52

“With the waning of globalization, post-Cold War world is becoming a site of sovereign nationalism.” Elucidate.

Approach · directive: “elucidate”

What it asks · Explain how and why the post-1991 liberal, globalising order is giving way to states asserting sovereignty over trade, technology, borders and identity — and how far the claim holds.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Elucidate: how globalisation is waning and sovereign nationalism rising, in trade, security, multilateralism and identity, and why
Elucidate: how far the claim holds, and where India stands

Open with · The 1990s promised a borderless world of open markets and shared rules; today even the WTO's Appellate Body, that order's referee, is unable to hear appeals.

Cover

Trade walls: tariff wars, including sweeping US tariffs in 2025; Brexit.
Security-first economics: export controls on chips, friend-shoring, critical-mineral rivalry, sanctions after the Russia–Ukraine war.
Stalled multilateralism: WTO Appellate Body paralysed since 2019; Security Council deadlock.
Causes: the 2008 crisis, inequality within nations, China's rise, COVID-19 supply-chain shocks, identity politics.
Nuance: globalisation reshaped, not reversed; digital trade, services and regional FTAs grow.
India: Atmanirbhar Bharat with FTAs (UAE, Australia, UK); India–EFTA TEPA in force from 1 October 2025.

Close with · The world is moving to sovereignty-first globalisation, not autarky; India's interest is strategic autonomy with openness and the rules-based trade of SDG target 17.10.

Add value (verified)

WTO: the Appellate Body cannot review appeals because of vacancies.World Trade Organization: Appellate Body ↗“Currently, the Appellate Body is unable to review appeals given its ongoing vacancies”
India–EFTA TEPA, signed 10 March 2024, came into force on 1 October 2025.PIB backgrounder (Ministry of Commerce and Industry), 11 October 2025: India–EFTA TEPA ↗“The India–European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA), signed on 10 March 2024 in New Delhi, came into force on 1 October 2025”
SDG target 17.10: a universal, rules-based, open, non-discriminatory and equitable multilateral trading system under the WTO.United Nations, Sustainable Development Goal 17: targets and indicators ↗“Target 17.10 Promote a universal, rules-based, open, non-discriminatory and equitable multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organization”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 220words · Minimalist IAS

The 1990s promised a borderless world of open markets and shared rules. Today even the WTO's Appellate Body, that order's referee, is unable to hear appeals, as states put national control ahead of integration.

How globalisation is waning

Trade walls: tariff wars, including sweeping US tariffs in 2025, and Brexit.
Security-first economics: export controls on chips, friend-shoring, critical-mineral rivalry and sanctions after the Russia–Ukraine war.
Stalled multilateralism: WTO dispute settlement paralysed since 2019; Security Council deadlock.

The full answer goes on to cover

Why sovereign nationalism is rising
How far the claim holds

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q11

15 marks · 250 words Executive, judiciary & pressure groups X-Ray · Core #15

“Constitutional morality is the fulcrum which acts as an essential check upon the high functionaries and citizens alike... .” In view of the above observation of the Supreme Court, explain the concept of constitutional morality and its application to ensure balance between judicial independence and judicial accountability in India.

Approach · directive: “explain”

What it asks · Explain constitutional morality as a guiding standard for all institutions, then show how it helps balance the judiciary's independence with its accountability.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Explain: the concept of constitutional morality as a check on high functionaries and citizens, as the Supreme Court sees it
Explain: its application to balance judicial independence with judicial accountability in India

Open with · Ambedkar's 4 November 1948 warning that constitutional morality 'has to be cultivated'; it means fidelity to the Constitution's values and processes, both a shield and a leash for judges.

Cover

Concept: values over majoritarian or personal morality; Manoj Narula (2014) called it the 'fulcrum' of institution building.
As a check: binds Governors, Speakers, Ministers and citizens; NCT of Delhi (2018) held the Lieutenant Governor to aid and advice.
Independence: Article 124(4) removal only by Parliament, Article 50 separation, NJAC struck down in 2015.
Accountability: Restatement of Values (1997), in-house procedure, RTI on the CJI's office (2019), asset declarations online under the 1 April 2025 Full Court resolution.
Balance (table): independence is not immunity; accountability is not subordination; scrutiny only through constitutional channels.
Way forward: revisit the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010; benchmark against the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct.

Close with · The Bangalore Principles' line that justice 'must also be seen to be done': a judiciary cultivating constitutional morality stays independent because it is visibly accountable.

Add value (verified)

In Manoj Narula v. Union of India (2014), cited in the Aadhaar judgment (2018), the Court called constitutional morality the fulcrum of institution building.Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, W.P.(C) 494 of 2012, judgment of 26 Sept 2018 — Supreme Court of India ↗“It actually works at the fulcrum and guides as a laser beam in institution building. The traditions and conventions have to grow to sustain the value of such a morality.”
B.R. Ambedkar, Constituent Assembly, 4 November 1948: constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment and has to be cultivated.Constituent Assembly Debates, 4 November 1948 — constitutionofindia.net ↗“Constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated. We must realize that our people have yet to learn it.”
Article 50 directs the State to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the State.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024) - Legislative Department, Article 50 ↗“The State shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the State.”
Supreme Court Full Court resolution of 1 April 2025: placing judges' declarations of assets on the Supreme Court website is mandatory.Assets of Judges — Supreme Court of India ↗“Placing the declaration of assets on the Supreme Court website will be mandatory. The following judges of the Supreme Court have submitted their declarations of assets: DISCLOSURE OF ASSETS (in terms of Resolution of the Full Court dated 1st April, 2025)”
The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010 required judges to declare assets, laid down judicial standards and proposed a National Judicial Oversight Committee to handle complaints.The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010 — PRS Legislative Research ↗“The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010 requires judges to declare their assets, lays down judicial standards, and establishes processes for removal of judges of the Supreme Court and High Court”
The Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct (2002) state that justice must not merely be done but must also be seen to be done.The Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct, 2002 — UNODC ↗“Justice must not merely be done but must also be seen to be done.”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 369words · Minimalist IAS

On 4 November 1948 Ambedkar told the Constituent Assembly: 'Constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated.' It means fidelity to the Constitution's values and processes, not just its letter. For judges, it is both a shield and a leash.

What constitutional morality means

Fidelity to values: rule of law, liberty, equality, dignity and restraint in power prevail over majoritarian or personal morality.
The fulcrum: Manoj Narula (2014) said it works at the 'fulcrum' and guides institution building 'as a laser beam'.
A check on all: it binds Governors, Speakers, Ministers and citizens; NCT of Delhi (2018) held the Lieutenant Governor to the elected government's aid and advice.

The full answer goes on to cover

Safeguards of judicial independence
Mechanisms of judicial accountability
How constitutional morality strikes the balance
Way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q12

15 marks · 250 words Constitution: evolution, features & basic structure X-Ray · Core #32

Indian Constitution has conferred the amending power on the ordinary legislative institutions with a few procedural hurdles. In view of this statement, examine the procedural and substantive limitations on the amending power of the Parliament to change the Constitution.

Approach · directive: “examine”

What it asks · Explain the procedure under Article 368 that makes Parliament the amending body, then the substantive limits imposed by the basic structure doctrine, and assess the statement.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Examine: the procedure under Article 368 that vests the amending power in Parliament, with its 'few procedural hurdles'
Examine: the substantive limits — the basic structure doctrine and its application
Assess: whether the statement holds — flexible in procedure, bounded in substance

Open with · Article 368(1) lets Parliament amend 'in exercise of its constituent power', with no constituent assembly or referendum; yet judicial review adds limits that procedure does not.

Cover

Initiation only in Parliament; special majority in each House separately; no joint sitting.
Federal provisions need ratification by 'not less than one-half of the States'; assent mandatory since the 24th Amendment (1971); some changes by simple majority.
Kesavananda Bharati (1973): not even Parliament, through amendment, can violate the basic structure.
Applications: Indira Gandhi v. Raj Narain (1975), Minerva Mills (1980), I. R. Coelho (2007), NJAC (2015) — shown as a timeline.
Assessment: amended up to the 106th Amendment (2023); Article 13(4) exempts amendments from Article 13, but basic structure remains the real check.
Debate: an unelected veto to critics, a shield against majoritarian rewriting to defenders.

Close with · NCERT's description of the Constitution as 'a living' document: Article 368 lets it change, the basic structure keeps its identity.

Add value (verified)

The official text notes that the 42nd Amendment's insertion of clauses (4) and (5) in Article 368 was struck down in Minerva Mills.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 368, footnote ↗“This section has been declared invalid by the Supreme Court in Minerva Mills Ltd. and Others Vs. Union of India and Others AIR 1980 SC 1789.”
For federal provisions, Article 368(2) requires ratification by half the States.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 368(2), proviso ↗“ratified by the Legislatures of not less than one-half of the States”
Article 368(1) frames the amending power as Parliament's constituent power to amend any provision by addition, variation or repeal.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024) - Legislative Department, Article 368(1) ↗“Parliament may in exercise of its constituent power amend by way of addition, variation or repeal any provision of this Constitution in accordance with the procedure”
Article 13(4): nothing in Article 13 applies to an amendment of the Constitution made under Article 368.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024) - Legislative Department, Article 13(4) ↗“Nothing in this article shall apply to any amendment of this Constitution made under article 368.”
The official text of the Constitution incorporates all amendments up to the 106th Amendment Act, 2023.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024) - Legislative Department, preface ↗“incorporating therein all the amendments up to the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 356words · Minimalist IAS

Article 368(1) lets Parliament, 'in exercise of its constituent power', amend 'by way of addition, variation or repeal any provision'. No constituent assembly or referendum is needed, which bears out the statement. Yet judicial review has added limits that procedure alone does not.

Procedural limits under Article 368

Initiation: a Bill only in Parliament, in either House, by a Minister or private member; State legislatures cannot initiate.
Special majority: a majority of total membership and two-thirds of those present and voting, in each House separately; no joint sitting can break a deadlock.
Federal ratification: changes to federal provisions, such as the Seventh Schedule, representation of States, the higher judiciary or Article 368 itself, need ratification by 'not less than one-half of the States'.
Assent and exceptions: presidential assent is mandatory since the 24th Amendment (1971); Articles 2–4 and the Fifth and Sixth Schedules change by simple majority.

The full answer goes on to cover

Substantive limits: the basic structure
Does the statement hold?

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q13

15 marks · 250 words Executive, judiciary & pressure groups X-Ray · Core #15

Discuss the evolution of collegium system in India. Critically examine the advantages and disadvantages of the system of appointment of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India and that of the USA.

Approach · directive: “discuss / critically examine”

What it asks · Trace how the collegium emerged from judicial interpretation of Article 124, then weigh the merits and flaws of India's system against the US model of nomination and Senate confirmation.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Discuss: the evolution of the collegium system in India
Critically examine: the advantages and disadvantages of India's collegium system of appointing Supreme Court judges
Critically examine: the advantages and disadvantages of the US system, with a reasoned verdict

Open with · Article 124(2) requires 'consultation' with the CJI and judges; three judgments turned it into judicial primacy, the collegium, a word the Constitution never uses.

Cover

Evolution: S. P. Gupta (1981) executive primacy; Second Judges case (1993) CJI with two senior judges; Third Judges case (1998) five-member collegium.
NJAC: 99th Amendment and NJAC Act struck down on 16 October 2015; the Memorandum of Procedure remains contested.
India's merits: insulation from patronage, peer assessment; flaws: opacity, delays, a narrow base (32 SC, 17 ST, 103 OBC among 841 HC judges, 2018 to Nov 2025).
USA: nomination with the Senate's 'Advice and Consent' and tenure 'during good Behaviour'; flaw: politicisation, as with Merrick Garland in 2016.
Comparison table; verdict: a reformed collegium with criteria, secretariat and time-limits; UK commission selects 'solely on merit' and encourages diversity.

Close with · SDG target 16.7's call for responsive, inclusive and representative decision-making as the test for a transparent, diverse collegium.

Add value (verified)

The official text records that the 99th Amendment's changes to Article 124 (NJAC) were struck down on 16 October 2015.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 124, footnote ↗“This amendment has been struck down by the Supreme Court in the case of Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association and another Vs. Union of India in its judgment dated 16-10-2015”
US Constitution, Article II: the President nominates and, with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, appoints Supreme Court judges.The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription — US National Archives ↗“by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court”
US Constitution, Article III: federal judges hold office during good Behaviour, that is, life tenure.The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription — US National Archives ↗“The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour”
Law Minister's written reply in the Rajya Sabha (Winter Session 2025): of 841 High Court judges appointed from 2018 to 28 November 2025, 32 are SC, 17 ST, 103 OBC and 46 from minorities.Department of Justice, Rajya Sabha replies, Winter Session 2025 (Law Minister's written reply on High Court appointments) ↗“out of 841 Judges . appointed from 2018 till 28.11.2025, 32 belong to SC category”
The UK's Judicial Appointments Commission has statutory duties to select solely on merit, select people of good character and encourage diversity.About us — Judicial Appointments Commission (UK) ↗“select candidates solely on merit select only people of ‘good character’ have regard to the need to encourage diversity in the range of persons avai”
SDG target 16.7: ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels.Goal 16 — UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Sustainable Development ↗“Target 16.7 Ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 346words · Minimalist IAS

Article 124(2) asks the President to appoint Supreme Court judges after 'consultation' with the Chief Justice and other judges. Three judgments turned that consultation into judicial primacy: the collegium, a word the Constitution never uses.

Evolution of the collegium

First Judges case (S. P. Gupta, 1981): consultation did not mean concurrence; the executive had primacy.
Second Judges case (1993): the CJI's opinion, formed with the two senior-most judges, became binding.
Third Judges case (1998): on a Presidential reference, the collegium became the CJI and four senior-most judges.
NJAC episode: the 99th Amendment and NJAC Act (2014) were struck down on 16 October 2015; the revised Memorandum of Procedure remains contested.

The full answer goes on to cover

India's collegium: advantages and disadvantages
The US system: advantages and disadvantages
Verdict and way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q14

15 marks · 250 words Federalism & devolution X-Ray · Core #2

Examine the evolving pattern of Centre-State financial relations in the context of planned development in India. How far have the recent reforms impacted the fiscal federalism in India?

Approach · directive: “examine / how far”

What it asks · Trace how Centre–State financial relations changed from the planning era to the present, and assess the effect of recent reforms (NITI Aayog, higher devolution, GST, cesses, borrowing rules) on fiscal federalism.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Examine: the evolving pattern of Centre–State financial relations from the planning era to the present
How far: assess the impact of recent reforms — NITI Aayog, higher devolution, GST, cesses, borrowing rules — on fiscal federalism

Open with · A paradox in data: the 15th Finance Commission kept devolution at 41 per cent, yet unshared cesses and surcharges were over 19.9 per cent of gross tax receipts in 2018-19.

Cover

Planning era: Finance Commission (Article 280) and Planning Commission plan assistance by the Gadgil formula (1969); Article 282 grants and centrally sponsored schemes.
Borrowing leash: Article 293(3) requires Union consent for an indebted State to borrow.
Reforms: NITI Aayog replaced the Planning Commission (2015); devolution 32 to 42 per cent (14th FC), 41 per cent (15th FC).
GST (101st Amendment, 2016): pooled sovereignty, compensation ended 2022; Budget 2025-26: ₹1.5 lakh crore 50-year interest-free capex loans.
Impact: gains in untied transfers; a shrinking pool from cesses; lost tax and borrowing autonomy, Kerala's suit; cooperative in form, centralising in substance.
Way forward: share or cap cesses, revive GST consensus, rule-bound transfers under the Sixteenth Finance Commission.

Close with · NITI Aayog's own premise that 'strong States make a strong nation': shareable, rule-bound transfers are the test of cooperative federalism.

Add value (verified)

The 15th Finance Commission recommended keeping vertical devolution at 41 per cent, the same as in its 2020-21 report.Report of the 15th Finance Commission (2021-26), Vol I — Finance Commission of India ↗“we recommend maintaining the vertical devolution at 41 per cent – the same as in our report for 2020-21.”
15th Finance Commission: cesses and surcharges made up over 19.9 per cent of gross tax receipts in 2018-19, of which 4.6 per cent was GST Compensation Cess.Report of the 15th Finance Commission (2021-26), Vol I — Finance Commission of India ↗“Table 3.8 shows the trend of cesses and surcharges, which constituted over 19.9 per cent of gross tax receipts in 2018-19, of which 4.6 per cent is on account of GST Compensation Cess.”
Article 293(3): a State may not raise a loan without the Union's consent while any loan from the Union remains outstanding.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024) - Legislative Department, Article 293(3) ↗“A State may not without the consent of the Government of India raise any loan if there is still outstanding any part of a loan which has been made to the State by the Government”
Budget 2025-26: an outlay of ₹1.5 lakh crore for 50-year interest-free loans to States for capital expenditure and incentives for reforms.Budget Speech 2025-26 — Union Budget, Government of India ↗“An outlay of ` 1.5 lakh crore is proposed for the 50-year interest free loans to states for capital expenditure and incentives for reforms.”
NITI Aayog's objectives include cooperative federalism, recognising that strong States make a strong nation.PIB: Government constitutes NITI Aayog (objectives) ↗“To foster cooperative federalism through structured support initiatives and mechanisms with the States on a continuous basis, recognizing that strong States make a strong nation.”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 349words · Minimalist IAS

The 15th Finance Commission kept the States' share of the divisible pool at 41 per cent. Yet cesses and surcharges, which States do not share, made up over 19.9 per cent of gross tax receipts in 2018-19. That gap captures how Centre–State finance has evolved: more devolution on paper, more central leverage in practice.

The planning-era pattern

Two channels: the Finance Commission (Article 280) gave statutory devolution; the Planning Commission gave plan assistance, from 1969 by the Gadgil formula.
Discretion: Article 282 grants and centrally sponsored schemes tied State budgets to central priorities.
Borrowing leash: under Article 293(3), a State still owing the Centre cannot borrow without its consent.

The full answer goes on to cover

Recent reforms
How far reforms have changed fiscal federalism
Way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q15

15 marks · 250 words Executive, judiciary & pressure groups X-Ray · Core #15

What are environmental pressure groups? Discuss their role in raising awareness, influencing policies and advocating for environmental protection in India.

Approach · directive: “what / discuss”

What it asks · Define environmental pressure groups and show, with Indian examples, how they build awareness, shape policy and use advocacy and courts — with their limits.

It asks 3 things — answer each

What: define environmental pressure groups and their types in India
Discuss: their role in raising awareness
Discuss: their role in influencing policy and advocating environmental protection — through courts, communities and campaigns — with their limits

Open with · Definition: organised bodies that influence environmental policy without contesting for power; NCERT counts 'pressure groups and movements' among those who 'control or influence those in power'.

Cover

Types: grassroots movements (Chipko, Appiko, Silent Valley, Narmada Bachao Andolan), research bodies (CSE, BNHS, WWF-India), community institutions; hub of roles.
Awareness: campaigns on air, pesticides, plastics and wetlands; Chipko 'successfully resisted deforestation' and showed community afforestation works (NCERT).
Policy: Silent Valley national park (1984); inputs into Forest Rights Act 2006, EIA and coastal rules; Articles 48A and 51A(g).
Advocacy: M. C. Mehta's oleum gas case (1986) set absolute liability; CNG buses; Godavarman; NGT since 2010; Niyamgiri gram sabhas (2013).
Limits: development-stalling charge, FCRA scrutiny, urban bias, fragmentation, court reliance.
Way forward: Rio Principle 10 participation, early EIA hearings, transparent enrolment on NITI Aayog's NGO DARPAN portal.

Close with · Article 51A(g)'s duty to protect the natural environment: pressure groups organise that duty, and early consultation turns protest into policy.

Add value (verified)

Article 51A(g) makes protection of the environment a fundamental duty of every citizen.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 51A(g) ↗“to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life”
M.C. Mehta v. Union of India (oleum gas leak, 20 December 1986): an enterprise in a hazardous activity is absolutely liable for harm caused, even without negligence.M.C. Mehta v. Union of India, Supreme Court, 20 December 1986 — Indian Kanoon ↗“the enterprise must be absolutely liable to compensate for such harm irrespective of the fact that the enterprise had taken all reasonable care and that the harm occurred without any negligence on its part.”
Rio Declaration (1992), Principle 10: environmental issues are best handled with the participation of all concerned citizens.Rio Declaration on Environment and Development — Convention on Biological Diversity ↗“Principle 10 Environmental issues are best handled with the participation of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level.”
NITI Aayog's NGO DARPAN portal lets voluntary organisations enrol centrally and builds a sector- and State-wise repository.NGO DARPAN portal, NITI Aayog — homepage (web.archive.org copy; the live official page did not load) ↗“This portal enables VOs/NGOs to enroll centrally and thus facilitates creation of a repository of information about VOs/NGOs, Sector/State wise”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 352words · Minimalist IAS

Environmental pressure groups are organised bodies that seek to influence environmental policy without contesting for power. NCERT counts 'pressure groups and movements' among those who 'control or influence those in power'. In India they range from village movements to research NGOs.

What environmental pressure groups are

Grassroots movements: Chipko, Appiko, Save Silent Valley and the Narmada Bachao Andolan.
Research and advocacy bodies: Centre for Science and Environment, Bombay Natural History Society, WWF-India.
Community institutions: sacred groves, Bishnoi traditions and gram sabhas asserting forest rights.

The full answer goes on to cover

Role in raising awareness
Role in influencing policy
Advocacy for environmental protection
Limits
Way forward

Read the full model answer (352 words) →

GS Paper II 2025 · Q16

15 marks · 250 words Poverty & hunger X-Ray · Core #59

Inequality in the ownership pattern of resources is one of the major causes of poverty. Discuss in the context of ‘paradox of poverty’.

Approach · directive: “discuss”

What it asks · Show how unequal ownership of land, capital, skills and natural resources perpetuates poverty, and explain the 'paradox of poverty' — deprivation amid plenty and growth.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Explain: the 'paradox of poverty' — deprivation persisting amid abundant resources and rapid growth
Discuss: how unequal ownership of land, capital, human capital and natural resources causes and perpetuates poverty, with a balanced view of other causes
Way forward: remedies that widen ownership and resolve the paradox

Open with · The paradox of poverty is deprivation amid plenty; its root is who owns resources, which is why Article 39(b) and (c) direct the State to spread ownership and prevent concentration of wealth.

Cover

Paradox: growth rewards owners of assets; mineral-rich Jharkhand, Odisha and Chhattisgarh hold some of the poorest districts.
Access without ownership: multidimensional poverty fell from 29.17% (2013-14) to 11.28% (2022-23) through wider services, not wider ownership.
Land: small and marginal holders are about 86% of operational holders (Agriculture Census 2015-16); landless labourers stay poorest.
Gender and caste: women operated only about 11.72% of farm area; many Dalit households are landless.
Credit and human capital: collateral-based lending and unequal schooling and health pass poverty across generations (poverty-trap flowchart).
Balance: governance, productivity, health shocks and isolation also cause poverty.
Way forward: land records, tenancy reform, women's titles, District Mineral Foundation spending, MGNREGA and PMAY assets, universal education and health.

Close with · SDG target 1.4 seeks equal rights for the poor to economic resources and to ownership and control over land; meeting it in the spirit of Article 39 would turn growth into shared ownership.

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NITI Aayog's estimates show multidimensional poverty falling steeply between 2013-14 and 2022-23 — a useful contrast between wider access to services and persisting inequality in ownership.24.82 crore Indians escape Multidimensional Poverty in last 9 years — PIB (NITI Aayog), 15 Jan 2024 ↗“Steep decline in Poverty Headcount Ratio from 29.17% in 2013-14 to 11.28% in 2022-23.”
Article 39(b) and (c), Directive Principles: the State shall direct its policy so that ownership and control of material resources subserve the common good and the economic system does not concentrate wealth.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024), Article 39 - Legislative Department ↗“(b) that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good; (c) that the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production to the common detriment”
Agriculture Census 2015-16: small and marginal holders were about 86% of all operational holders.PIB, Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare (Release ID 1906888) ↗“As per Agriculture Census 2015-16, small and marginal operational holders constituted about 86 per cent of the total operational holders in the country”
Agriculture Census 2015-16: female operational holders operated only about 11.72% of the total operated area.Women Farmers in The Country - PIB, 10 December 2021 ↗“As per the information collected in Agriculture Census 2015-16, about 11.72% of the total operated area in the country was operated by female operational holders”
The MMDR Amendment Act, 2015 introduced section 9B, creating District Mineral Foundations to work for people and areas affected by mining.Introduction of District Mineral Foundation Levy - PIB, Ministry of Mines ↗“The object of the DMF is to work for the interest and benefit of persons, and areas affected by mining related operations.”
SDG target 1.4 (by 2030): equal rights for the poor and vulnerable to economic resources and to ownership and control over land and other property.Goal 1: End poverty in all its forms everywhere - UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (sdgs.un.org) ↗“By 2030, ensure that all men and women, in particular the poor and the vulnerable, have equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to basic services, ownership and control over land and other forms of property”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 372words · Minimalist IAS

The paradox of poverty is deprivation amid plenty: resource-rich regions and a fast-growing economy that still hold many poor people. Its root lies less in scarcity than in who owns resources, which is why Article 39(b) and (c) direct the State to distribute ownership of material resources for the common good and prevent concentration of wealth.

The paradox of poverty explained

Assets decide incomes: growth rewards owners of land, capital and skills; the asset-poor have only their labour to sell.
Resource curse: the mineral belt of Jharkhand, Odisha and Chhattisgarh holds some of India's poorest districts; minerals are extracted by others and local people are displaced.
Access without ownership: NITI Aayog estimates multidimensional poverty fell from 29.17% in 2013-14 to 11.28% in 2022-23, largely through wider services, while ownership of assets stayed narrow.

The full answer goes on to cover

How unequal ownership causes poverty
A balanced view
Way forward: widening ownership

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q17

15 marks · 250 words Federalism & devolution X-Ray · Core #28

“In contemporary development models, decision-making and problem-solving responsibilities are not located close to the source of information and execution defeating the objectives of development.” Critically evaluate.

Approach · directive: “critically evaluate”

What it asks · Evaluate the claim that centralised decision-making, far from where information lies and work is done, undermines development — with evidence for and against and a balanced view.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Critically evaluate — the case for the claim: decision-making far from information and execution undermines development
Critically evaluate — the case against: where central decisions are justified, and where proximity has been restored
Verdict and way forward: practising subsidiarity

Open with · Hayek argued (1945) that knowledge of 'the particular circumstances of time and place' needs decentralised decisions; the statement says India's development model ignores this principle of subsidiarity.

Cover

For: uniform, centrally designed schemes ignore local soils, water and social realities.
For: Article 243G devolution is discretionary; devolution to panchayats rose only from 39.9% to 43.9% (2013-14 to 2021-22).
For: parallel bodies bypass elected councils, so feedback between execution and design breaks; assets go unused.
Against: scale, standards, digital public infrastructure and equity need central decisions; local elites can capture power.
Against: Aspirational Districts, Gram Panchayat Development Plans, direct Finance Commission grants; Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu top the devolution ranking.
Table: the right level for each decision — Centre, State, Gram Sabha.
Way forward: activity mapping, untied funds, own revenue, working State Finance Commissions, trained staff, social audits.

Close with · SDG target 16.7 asks for responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels; development will follow when panchayats and municipalities decide, not merely deliver.

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Article 243G asks States to empower panchayats to act as real units of local government, including planning for economic development and social justice.The Constitution of India (Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice, as on 1 May 2024) — Article 243G ↗“to enable them to function as institutions of self-government”
Hayek's 'The Use of Knowledge in Society' (1945): knowledge of particular local circumstances is dispersed, so decisions must be decentralised to use it.F. A. Hayek, 'The Use of Knowledge in Society' (American Economic Review, 1945) - reprint at the Library of Economics and Liberty (Econlib) ↗“We need decentralization because only thus can we insure that the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place will be promptly used.”
Article 243G: State law may devolve to panchayats the preparation of plans and implementation of schemes for economic development and social justice, including Eleventh Schedule matters.The Constitution of India (as on 1 May 2024), Article 243G - Legislative Department ↗“(a) the preparation of plans for economic development and social justice; (b) the implementation of schemes for economic development and social justice as may be entrusted to them including those in relation to the matters listed in the Eleventh Schedule”
Status of Devolution to Panchayats in States (IIPA, released February 2025): devolution to rural local bodies rose from 39.9% to 43.9% between 2013-14 and 2021-22.Report on Status of Devolution to Panchayats in States - PIB, Ministry of Panchayati Raj, 13 February 2025 ↗“The latest report, prepared by IIPA, reveals that devolution has increased from 39.9% to 43.9% between the period 2013-14 to 2021-22.”
Panchayat Devolution Index ranking: Karnataka first, Kerala second, Tamil Nadu third.Report on Status of Devolution to Panchayats in States - PIB, Ministry of Panchayati Raj, 13 February 2025 ↗“Karnataka Tops Devolution Ranking; Kerala and Tamil Nadu Bag Second & Third Spot respectively”
SDG target 16.7: responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels.Goal 16 - UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (sdgs.un.org) ↗“Target 16.7 Ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 341words · Minimalist IAS

In 1945 the economist F. A. Hayek argued that the knowledge that matters most is of 'the particular circumstances of time and place', and that only decentralisation lets it be used promptly. The statement holds that India's development model violates this principle of subsidiarity: decide at the lowest competent level.

How distant decision-making defeats development

Uniform design: schemes framed in Delhi or State capitals with standard norms ignore local soils, water and social realities.
Discretionary devolution: Article 243G lets States empower panchayats to plan and implement schemes for economic development and social justice, but leaves it to State law; devolution rose only from 39.9% to 43.9% between 2013-14 and 2021-22.
Parallel bodies: SPVs, line departments and district committees bypass elected councils, cutting the feedback loop between execution and design.
Poor outcomes: weak local ownership, unused assets and leakages despite high spending.

The full answer goes on to cover

Where the claim overstates
Verdict and way forward

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q18

15 marks · 250 words Welfare of vulnerable sections X-Ray · Core #40

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights has to address the challenges faced by children in the digital era. Examine the existing policies and suggest measures the Commission can initiate to tackle the issue.

Approach · directive: “examine / suggest”

What it asks · Identify children's digital-era risks, review the laws and policies that exist, and propose concrete steps the NCPCR can take within its mandate.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Examine: the challenges children face in the digital era
Examine: the existing laws and policies, and their gaps
Suggest: measures the NCPCR can initiate within its mandate

Open with · Section 13 of the CPCR Act, 2005 asks the NCPCR to examine and review legal safeguards for child rights and recommend measures; with childhood lived online, that mandate must reach the digital world.

Cover

Challenges: abuse material, grooming, sextortion, cyberbullying, gaming addiction, profiling of children's data, and the digital divide.
Laws: POCSO Act, IT Act s.67B and IT Rules 2021; the Supreme Court (2024) made viewing or storing abuse material punishable.
DPDP Act 2023: verifiable parental consent; bars tracking, behavioural monitoring and targeted advertising aimed at children.
Gaps: global platforms, weak age verification, low awareness, thin technical capacity (table: risk, safeguard, gap).
NCPCR: build on its mobile-phone study and school cyber-safety manual; child-friendly complaints linked to I4C.
NCPCR: age-appropriate design guidelines, platform compliance reviews, coordination with State commissions and the Data Protection Board.

Close with · The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child's General Comment No. 25 (2021) applies child rights to the digital environment; it can be the NCPCR's benchmark for setting standards, not just answering complaints.

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Section 13(1)(a) of the CPCR Act, 2005: the Commission examines and reviews legal safeguards for child rights and recommends measures for their implementation.Functions and Powers - National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) ↗“Examine and review the safeguards provided by or under any law for the time being in force for the protection of child rights and recommend measures for their effective implementation.”
Just Rights for Children Alliance v. S. Harish (23 September 2024): the Supreme Court held that storing or possessing child sexual abuse material with the intent set out in Section 15 of POCSO is an offence, that viewing it online can amount to constructive possession, and urged Parliament to adopt the term CSEAM.Just Rights for Children Alliance v. S. Harish, Supreme Court judgment of 23 September 2024 (Indian Kanoon copy) ↗“Section 15 of the POCSO provides for three distinct offences that penalize either the storage or the possession of any child pornographic material when done with any particular intention specified under sub- section(s) (1), (2) or (3) respectively.”
DPDP Act, 2023: verifiable parental consent before processing a child's data; no tracking, behavioural monitoring or targeted advertising aimed at children.Government accords highest priority for ensuring the safety and security of children - PIB (Release ID 2203025) ↗“requiring the Data Fiduciary to obtain verifiable parental consent before processing any personal data of a child. The Act also prohibits Data Fiduciary from tracking or behavioural monitoring of children or targeted advertising directed at children.”
NCPCR's study on the effects of mobile phones and internet devices on children was shared with MeitY, MWCD and the State commissions; it also added a 'Cyber Safety' section to its school safety manual.Government accords highest priority for ensuring the safety and security of children - PIB (Release ID 2203025) ↗“The findings of the said research study were shared with concerned Ministries including MeitY and MWCD and the State Commissions for Protection of Child Rights (SCPCRs).”
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No. 25 (2021): children's rights in relation to the digital environment (CRC/C/GC/25).General comment No. 25 (2021) - Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) ↗“General comment No. 25 (2021) on children’s rights in relation to the digital environment”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 367words · Minimalist IAS

Section 13 of the Commissions for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005 asks the NCPCR to examine and review the safeguards in every law protecting child rights and to recommend measures for their effective implementation. As childhood moves online, that mandate must now reach the digital world.

Challenges children face in the digital era

Sexual exploitation: child sexual abuse material, grooming and sextortion on platforms and messaging apps.
Well-being: cyberbullying, gaming addiction and harmful content affect sleep, attention and mental health.
Data and privacy: apps profile children, and weak age assurance means platforms cannot tell who is a child.
Digital divide: poor and rural children miss online learning, while connected children face risks unsupervised.

The full answer goes on to cover

Existing policies and their gaps
Measures the NCPCR can initiate

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q19

15 marks · 250 words Other countries' policies & the diaspora X-Ray · Core #31

“Energy security constitutes the dominant kingpin of India’s foreign policy, and is linked with India’s overarching influence in Middle Eastern countries.” How would you integrate energy security with India’s foreign policy trajectories in the coming years?

Approach · directive: “how would you integrate”

What it asks · Assess the claim about energy's centrality to India's West Asia policy, then propose how energy security should be built into India's future diplomacy.

It asks 2 things — answer each

Assess: how far energy security is the 'kingpin' of India's foreign policy and the source of its influence in West Asia
How would you integrate: concrete ways to build energy security into India's foreign policy in the coming years

Open with · India imports more than four-fifths of its crude oil, much of it from the Gulf, so energy runs through its West Asia policy; it is a pillar of India's influence there, not the only one.

Cover

Linkage: Gulf crude and LNG, strategic partnerships with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, about nine million Indians in the Gulf.
Qualification: security, trade, technology and diaspora welfare also drive policy; India balances Israel and Iran.
Diversify suppliers: Russia, the US, Guyana, Africa; long-term LNG contracts such as Qatar's.
Reserves and upstream: 5.33 MMT strategic reserves (Visakhapatnam, Mangaluru, Padur), overseas equity oil, local-currency trade.
Routes: IMEC (G20 New Delhi, 2023), INSTC and Chabahar, naval protection of Gulf and Red Sea lanes.
Transition diplomacy: ISA, the India-led Global Biofuel Alliance (2023), green hydrogen, Minerals Security Partnership; neighbourhood grids (hub diagram).

Close with · The National Green Hydrogen Mission aims to cut a cumulative ₹1 lakh crore of fossil fuel imports by 2030; energy diplomacy should keep West Asia central today and make the clean-energy transition India's anchor tomorrow.

Add value (verified)

India's underground strategic petroleum reserves hold 5.33 MMT of crude at Visakhapatnam (1.33 MMT), Mangaluru (1.5 MMT) and Padur (2.5 MMT).Strategic Petroleum Reserve Programme - PIB, Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas, 3 August 2023 ↗“The underground SPR storages have a total capacity of 5.33 Million Metric Tonnes (MMT) of crude oil and are located in 2 States namely (i) Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh (1.33 MMT), (ii) Mangaluru (1.5MMT) and Padur (2.5 MMT) in Karnataka.”
IMEC, launched at the G20 New Delhi summit (9 September 2023): an Eastern Corridor (India–Gulf) and a Northern Corridor (Gulf–Europe).Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) & IMEC - PIB, Prime Minister's Office, 9 September 2023 ↗“The IMEC comprises of an Eastern Corridor connecting India to the Gulf region and a Northern Corridor connecting the Gulf region to Europe.”
The Global Biofuel Alliance was launched on 9 September 2023 at the New Delhi G20 as India's initiative as G20 Chair.Launch of the Global Biofuel Alliance (GBA) - PIB, 9 September 2023 ↗“launched the Global Biofuel Alliance on 9 September 2023, on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in New Delhi. The Global Biofuel Alliance (GBA) is an initiative by India as the G20 Chair.”
National Green Hydrogen Mission: expected to cut a cumulative ₹1 lakh crore of fossil fuel imports by 2030.India's Petroleum Industry - PIB backgrounder, January 2025 ↗“Achievement of Mission targets is expected to contribute to India’s energy security and reduce a cumulative ₹ 1 lakh crore worth of fossil fuel imports by 2030”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 337words · Minimalist IAS

India imports more than four-fifths of its crude oil, much of it from the Gulf, so energy runs through its West Asia policy. The claim is largely right, but energy is one pillar of India's influence there, not the only one.

How far energy is the 'kingpin' in West Asia

Supply: Gulf producers supply much of India's crude and LNG; the UAE and Saudi Arabia are strategic partners, and Qatar a long-term LNG supplier.
People and capital: about nine million Indians work in the Gulf and send large remittances home.
Qualification: security cooperation, trade, technology and diaspora welfare also drive policy, and India balances ties with Israel and Iran; energy is a pillar, not the sole kingpin.

The full answer goes on to cover

Integrating energy security with future foreign policy

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GS Paper II 2025 · Q20

15 marks · 250 words International institutions

“The reform process in the United Nations remains unresolved, because of the delicate imbalance of East and West and entanglement of the USA vs. Russo-Chinese alliance.” Examine and critically evaluate the East-West policy confrontations in this regard.

Approach · directive: “examine / critically evaluate”

What it asks · Examine how US–Russia–China rivalry blocks UN (especially Security Council) reform, and critically evaluate whether East–West confrontation is the whole explanation.

It asks 3 things — answer each

Examine: how US–Russia–China rivalry blocks UN (Security Council) reform
Critically evaluate: whether East–West confrontation is the whole explanation — cross-cutting interests, the North–South divide, partial progress
India's stake and the way forward

Open with · Eight decades after 1945, the Security Council's permanent seats still mirror the Second World War, and reform needs the consent of the very powers whose rivalry it should manage.

Cover

Agenda and hurdle: seats, veto, working methods; Intergovernmental Negotiations since 2009; Article 108 needs all five permanent members.
East–West paralysis: Ukraine, Syria, Gaza; the veto was used 13 times in two years after April 2022.
Incomplete explanation: China is wary of Japan and India; Uniting for Consensus opposes new permanent members; every P5 member guards the veto.
North–South: Ezulwini Consensus; the Pact for the Future (2024) pledges to redress the historical injustice against Africa (table of positions).
Progress: the 2022 veto initiative (resolution 76/262) forces a General Assembly debate within 10 working days.
India: over 2,90,000 peacekeepers in more than 50 missions; G4 and L.69; text-based negotiations.

Close with · East–West rivalry explains the paralysis only in part; India's call for reformed multilateralism will succeed when Global South pressure makes the status quo costlier for the P5 than change.

Add value (verified)

Under Article 108 of the UN Charter, every permanent member effectively holds a veto over Charter amendments.Charter of the United Nations — full text (un.org) ↗“ratified in accordance with their respective constitutional processes by two thirds of the Members of the United Nations, including all the permanent members of the Security Council.”
General Assembly resolution 76/262 (April 2022), the 'Veto Initiative': the Assembly must convene within 10 working days of a veto in the Security Council.Summary of the General Assembly debate on the use of the veto, 23 April 2024 - Office of the President of the UN General Assembly ↗“In April 2022, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 76/262, entitled “Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council”, also known as the "Veto Initiative”, requiring the General Assembly to convene within 10 working days of casting of a veto in the Security Council.”
By April 2024 the veto had been used 13 times since resolution 76/262 was adopted in April 2022.Summary of the General Assembly debate on the use of the veto, 23 April 2024 - Office of the President of the UN General Assembly ↗“Delegations highlighted that since the adoption of resolution A/RES/76/262, the veto has been used 13 times, including four vetoes in the last four months.”
Pact for the Future (2024), Action 39 on Security Council reform: redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority.Pact for the Future, Global Digital Compact and Declaration on Future Generations (2024) - United Nations ↗“Redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority and, while treating Africa as a special case, improve the representation of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups”
India has sent over 2,90,000 peacekeepers to more than 50 UN missions.India's Legacy in UN Peacekeeping: Leadership, Commitment, and Sacrifice - PIB, 2025 ↗“India has been a key contributor to global peace and security, with over 2,90,000 peacekeepers serving in more than 50 UN missions”
India's stated UN priority: reformed multilateralism to meet cross-national challenges.India's Priorities for the 78th Session of the UN General Assembly - Ministry of External Affairs ↗“These cross-national and cross-domain challenges have underlined the need for global solidarity and for reformed multilateralism.”

Question: UPSC's CS (Main) 2025, GS Paper II — paper ↗. Approach: Minimalist IAS, checked 3 Oct 2026 (how we verify) — UPSC publishes no model answers. ·

Model answer· 350words · Minimalist IAS

Eight decades after 1945, the Security Council's five permanent seats still mirror the power map of the Second World War. Reform needs the consent of the very powers whose rivalry it is meant to manage, and that is where it stalls.

The reform agenda and the Charter hurdle

Agenda: more permanent and non-permanent seats, limits on the veto, better working methods and regional balance; Intergovernmental Negotiations have run since 2009 without a negotiating text.
Charter lock: Article 108 requires two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of Members, including all five permanent members, so any one of them can block change.

The full answer goes on to cover

How East–West confrontation blocks reform
Why the explanation is incomplete
India's stake and the way forward

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